Has Anwar Traded Malaysia’s Principles for Beijing’s Favour?

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Dennis Ignatius | Kuala Lumpur | Wednesday, 19th August 2026

[1] Has Anwar Ibrahim lost his objectivity when it comes to China? That is the uncomfortable question raised by his recent remarks on Taiwan. Asked whether China should be condemned if it resorted to force should peaceful reunification fail, Anwar said he too would use force to prevent a province from breaking away. Whether intended or not, his remarks were widely seen as an endorsement of the use of force to settle the Taiwan issue.

[2] Many countries, including Malaysia, recognise the People’s Republic of China and adhere to some form of the One-China policy. But very few countries have gone so far as to say that military force would be justified. Recognising China’s position on Taiwan is one thing; legitimising military force to impose that position is quite another.

[3] The remarks have, not surprisingly, attracted considerable scrutiny and much alarm in Taiwan, a province with which we have long enjoyed close and cordial relations. But the issue goes beyond Taiwan. It raises a more fundamental question about the principles guiding Malaysian foreign policy — and whether they are being applied consistently.

[4] China, of course, is an important neighbour and a key economic partner. Every Malaysian prime minister has had to walk a fine line between maintaining good relations with Beijing and dealing with China’s increasingly assertive behaviour in the South China Sea. That is the sensible course for a relatively small country like Malaysia.

[5] But good relations with China do not require us to abandon one of the cardinal principles of Malaysian foreign policy — that disputes should be resolved peacefully. That is not merely a Malaysian principle; it is a bedrock principle of ASEAN. Take that away — as Anwar now seems to have done — and we risk greater instability and big-power confrontation in the region, something we have spent decades trying to avoid.

[6] Let’s not forget that Malaysia has itself been on the receiving end of persistent Chinese pressure in the South China Sea over islands and maritime features that Malaysia regards as sovereign territory but which China claims as its own. We have responded with considerable restraint — through diplomatic protests, negotiations and the quiet assertion of our rights. That is wise. But we should have no illusions that China has simply chosen, for now, not to press its claims against Malaysia with the same intensity with which it has pursued them against the Philippines.

[7] But what if China decides in the future to use force against Malaysia to recover these territories, just as it has used increasingly coercive measures against the Philippines? Would Anwar then accept that China was justified because Beijing regards these territories as an integral part of China? Or would Malaysia suddenly rediscover the principle that disputes must be resolved peacefully?

[8] That is not a fanciful question. It is precisely why we should be very careful about endorsing a principle for Taiwan that we might bitterly regret if China were ever to apply the same logic to Malaysian territory and waters.

[9] Has Anwar also thought through what a violent takeover would actually mean for the 23 million people of Taiwan, the casualties, the displacement, the destruction? It would be an unmitigated disaster, and one that could trigger a much wider confrontation involving the United States and other regional powers, with consequences for trade, shipping, investment and supply chains throughout Southeast Asia. Malaysia would not be insulated from the resulting mayhem.

[10] Anwar’s remarks may have been intended to demonstrate solidarity with China. But viewed from Malaysia’s own bilateral interests and from the wider regional perspective, they represent a dangerous departure from the careful balance successive governments have maintained.

[11] We can recognise China’s One-China policy without endorsing war. We can oppose Taiwan independence without declaring military coercion legitimate. And we can maintain good relations with China without compromising principles that are vital to Malaysia’s own security, including the principle that disputes — whether over Taiwan, the South China Sea or anywhere else — must be resolved peacefully. That is the position that best protects Malaysia’s sovereignty, our regional stability and our freedom to chart our own course. And it is the most constructive role we can play on the critical issue of China-Taiwan relations.