[1] It’s three strikes now – Sabah, Johor, Negeri Sembilan. The UMNO-PAS coalition is on a roll. If this trajectory continues, UMNO-PAS will form the next government, and Zahid will most likely become the next prime minister. By any measure that would be a remarkable comeback – from the ashes of defeat to the pinnacle of power.

[2] Don’t be surprised if Hadi Awang becomes deputy prime minister. That would put PAS one step closer to its long-cherished goal of ruling Malaysia and, ultimately, transforming it into an Islamic state. It doesn’t augur well that a party with a history of corruption, racism, and abuse of power alongside a party with a history of bigotry and extremism could now sit in Putrajaya.

[3] Malaysia is at this inflection point because of the perfidy of the PH leadership, and Anwar in particular. He had every opportunity to usher in the reforms he promised; instead he pawned them for ambition and power. He struck a Faustian bargain with UMNO that stripped his government of the political will to fight corruption. His promise of a more inclusive government turned out to be nothing more than a chimera.

[4] Zahid could well be sitting in prison today if Anwar’s government had not handed him that infamous DNAA – this despite the judge having declared a prima facie case to answer. Anwar then brought UMNO back into the heart of his government and handed them the key positions from which to rebuild their influence. Whether by design or by default, he has ended up doing more than anyone to restore UMNO to power. That may be the bitter legacy he leaves behind.

[5] He missed every other opportunity to clean up the system for good. He could have extended the tenure of Tengku Maimun, one of the most respected jurists in the land; he did not. He could have removed the controversial Azam Baki and installed a credible figure to lead the fight against corruption; he did not. He could have purged GLCs and statutory bodies of political appointees; he did not. He could have pushed through term limits for the PM and separated the powers of the AG; he did not. He could have further discredited UMNO by releasing the Tabung Haji RCI report years ago and charging all those involved in wrongdoing; he did not. He could have repealed draconian legislation; he did not. He could have moved towards a needs-based system; he did not. Instead, he pursued a political agenda that betrayed everything he had promised.

[6] The warning signs of rising discontent were there from the early days of his administration, but the PH leadership and its apologists ignored them. They said reform takes time. They argued he was constrained by coalition politics. They offered excuses instead of solutions – and branded anyone who criticised them “haprak.” Even after the trashing they received in Sabah and Johor, they were insisting that the situation in Negeri Sembilan would be different.

[7] The DAP, for its part, was dazzled by power. They convinced themselves they could forge a decades-long partnership with UMNO, ignoring every sign of UMNO’s deep-seated distrust of them. They gave up everything just to stay in UMNO’s good books. Zahid’s call to “bungkus” Loke must have come as a rude shock. They have found their voice again, but it’s too little, too late.

[8] Alarm is setting in. PH leaders and their apologists are now in full panic mode – desperately warning that UMNO might return, that PAS could end up in power, that Najib might walk free, and blaming Bersama and Muda for splitting the vote.

[9] Only something drastic can alter the current political dynamic – Anwar stepping down and making way for a Rafizi–Nik Nazmi ticket, for instance. He should take responsibility for PH’s string of defeats and go; so should Loke. That would inject new momentum into reformist forces and give voters a real alternative to UMNO-PAS, which is only doing well because PH has failed. But with egos this large, it’s unlikely to happen.

[10] Whether or not Anwar goes, the ground has already shifted. Malay voters have rejected his leadership and remain suspicious of DAP – nothing will change that for now. That leaves the Rafizi–Nik Nazmi ticket as the only credible alternative standing, untainted by Anwar’s compromises and free of DAP’s baggage.

[11] The most important thing now is to ensure a strong opposition post-GE16 and deny UMNO-PAS a two-thirds majority. With PKR discredited, reform-minded voters might have little choice but to turn to Bersama – the vehicle for the Rafizi–Nik Nazmi ticket – to keep the hope of reformasi alive in the coming UMNO-PAS era.

[Dennis Ignatius |Kuala Lumpur | 03 August 2026]